Death of the left-wing guerillas

As Ingrid Betancourt is settling back into normal life after six years held hostage in the Colombian jungle and Alvaro Uribe crows over his successful blow to the Farc, the left-wing rebel group seems to have been left in tatters. 

Freedom: Ingrid Betancourt greets her family

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 Uribe has waged a war on the guerrillas since he came to power in 2002, killing key members and leading to record numbers of deserters handing themselves in.  The organisation seems to have been all-but defeated, yet it still survives due to a stronghold in the forgotten rural areas of the north-west. 

 

A similar situation is occurring in other Latin American countries.  In 1994 the EZLN, an armed revolutionary group based in the poorest region of Mexico entered the world stage.  Its enigmatic leader, Subcomandante Marcus, captured the world’s imagination and summed up the romantic notion of a rebel fighter with his ski mask, rifle and Marxist rhetoric.

 

However, during the presidential campaign in 2006, when the Subcomandante went on the road to drum up support and encourage civilians to boycott the elections and consider the complaints of his rebel group, the turnout at his speeches was in the hundreds rather than the thousands he enjoyed in earlier years.  His cause seemed outdated to most Mexicans living in the modern, prosperous cities.

 

Once again though, he has the support of the rural, indigenous population.  In fact the EZLN has a hugely popular radio station in the south and support for this group of rebels is far from waning. 

 

So, surely the Colombian and Mexican governments are missing a trick here?  Yes, the rebel groups are losing popularity in the cities much to the relief of politicians, but the rural population still feels it has something to fight for.  Often these poor areas are forgotten by politicians and the very work carried out by the rebel groups highlights the lack of interest in these areas from the government.

 

Rebels: The Farc is mainly made up of young, rural fighters

 In southern Mexico the EZLN has set up the radio station in order that isolated communities feel connected.  Both the Farc and the EZLN have built an infrastructure in the areas they control, with leaders and community groups in which villagers can air opinion. 

  

A government that ignores the unrepresented groups of poor rural villages, creates the perfect environment for a rebel army to form and flourish.  Often these indigenous rural workers form the backbone of the economy but have no way to interact with central government.  Instead they can air their grievances with rebels based in their area who understand their needs.

 

The Latin American revolutionary may be a dying breed but he has taught us something about the importance of regional representation.  The government that takes this lesson on board and reaches out to these marginalised communities can educate and develop the most poverty-stricken areas of their country.  An engaged population can begin to close the gap between the rural and urban peoples and will be less open to abuses suffered at the hands of companies and landowners today.        

    

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